Food Security | IUF Asia-Pacific

Voices of Afghan Women in the Food System: Struggles, Sacrifices and Strength

by IUF Asia/Pacific | Oct 15, 2023 | Defending Democracy, Food Security, Human Rights, Social Justice, Women Unions & Power

On World Food Day 2023, we call attention to the extreme hardship faced by women workers in Afghanistan, especially women working in the food system. Afghanistan already faces growing hunger and food insecurity. The Taliban’s suppression of the right of women to work and the right to education is deepening food insecurity and pushing the country into an even greater crisis.

The following report was prepared by courageous women reporters of the The Afghan Times for the IUF Asia/Pacific.

Afghan women have long played a significant role in rebuilding their country, enhancing their communities, and contributing to brighter futures for their families. However, since the Taliban assumed power in August 2021, Afghan women have faced increasing exclusion from public life and society.

Initially, authorities closed girls’ secondary schools, denied women access to universities, and prevented many women Afghan aid workers from carrying out their duties. Additionally, numerous public spaces such as bathhouses, gyms, and parks were declared off-limits for women.

Since August 2022, nine out of 10 Afghan families cannot afford enough food – one of the highest rates globally. Nearly 20 million Afghans are uncertain about their next meal, with six million of them teetering on the brink of famine. The levels of moderate acute malnutrition in the country have reached their highest recorded levels.

In a nation where 20 million people are grappling with acute hunger, and six million are on the brink of famine, the ongoing repercussions of these restrictions on women in both society and the economy will have a profoundly impact.

In this report and the accompanying videos, we hear from courageous Afghan women who confront daily restrictions, persevere in the face of injustice and hunger, and serve as a reminder that – despite the adversity – hope remains a powerful force.

We have conducted face-to-face video interviews with 19 women in various provinces of Afghanistan who either work or have worked in the food sector but are unable to continue due to Taliban restrictions. Additionally, we have interviewed women in food-related fields who were pursuing their studies but had to discontinue them due to bans imposed by the Taliban. Furthermore, we have engaged in conversations with over 50 other women who prefer not to appear on video or disclose their names.

25% Drop in Women’s Employment, Harsh Work Restrictions Hit Afghan Women Hard

The Taliban’s takeover in Afghanistan led to a 25% drop in women’s employment, worsened by restrictions on women’s access to work and education.

Our conversations with over 70 current or former women workers in the food sector reveal that over a quarter are unable to continue working due to the restrictions imposed on women’s work by the Taliban.

Photo: Arzo Azizyar, By The Afghan Times Photographer

“I have worked at a hotel, but our work has stopped for two years now,” said Arzo Azizyar. “There were 15 of us: five working in the interior, five in the kitchen, and five as waiters.”

Arzo Azizyar was joined by 14 other women working in a hotel. It has been two years now since all of them have been unemployed and unable to continue working.

If the Taliban grants permission, I will resume working,” added Arzo.

Photo: Arezo Jamal, By The Afghan Times Photographer

Arezo Jamal, another Afghan woman who worked as a cook in a hotel, is currently unable to continue her employment. She stated, “I have been unemployed for a year and a half, and I am not currently working. If we are allowed to work again, I will start working again.”

Education Crisis for Afghan Young Women: Barriers and Aspirations

Since September 2021, Afghan young women aged 12 and above have faced an indefinite delay in returning to school, resulting in 1.1 million of them being denied access to formal education. At present, a staggering 80% of school-aged Afghan young women, totaling 2.5 million individuals, are not attending school. Even more shocking is that close to 30% of young women in Afghanistan have never even set foot in primary education institutions.

Fast forward to December 2022, and the situation took another grim turn as university education for women was abruptly halted until further notice. This decision affected more than 100,000 female students attending both government and private higher education institutions.

It is important to note that between 2001 and 2018, the number of women in higher education had soared almost 20-fold. Before this recent suspension, one out of every three young women was actively enrolled in universities.

In Afghanistan, the faculties related to agriculture and food have garnered the attention of Afghan female students. It is noteworthy that Afghan female students have shown a keen interest in these faculties across the board.

In remote areas, 70% of women work in agriculture or learn to work in agriculture from their elders. This may be one of the reasons why women are more interested in a higher education in agriculture and food sciences.

Photo: Atifa, By The Afghan Times Photographer

All the members of Atifa’s family were actively involved in the field of agriculture, and they wholeheartedly encouraged her to pursue her studies in the same field.

“All the members of our family are engaged in agriculture. Unfortunately, after completing just one semester at the Faculty of Agriculture, the Taliban imposed a ban on women’s education”, Atifa said.

She added, “If the Taliban allows women to pursue education, I am determined to resume my university studies again.”

Photo: Sharifa, By The Afghan Times Photographer

Sharifa, a student enrolled in the Faculty of Agriculture, found herself facing adversity when the Taliban assumed control.

In her own words, she recounted the challenges that befell her and her fellow female students, stating, “I was in the Faculty of Agriculture. After the Taliban regained power, restrictions were imposed on women’s education. The Taliban closed our university. It’s been two years since our university was closed.”

“If the university doors open for us again, I will start,” Sharifa declared.

Challenges Faced by Afghan Women in the Workplace Under Taliban Rule

Since the Taliban assumed control, there has been a drastic and concerning shift in the professional landscape for women in Afghanistan. There has been a stark reduction in the range of opportunities available to women in the workforce. This dire situation has left countless women grappling with the consequences.

One of the most distressing consequences of the Taliban’s resurgence is the loss of employment for many women. Numerous individuals who were previously employed in various sectors have been abruptly stripped of their jobs, leaving them without a source of income or a means to support their families. This loss of livelihoods has had profound and far-reaching consequences, not only affecting women individually but also impacting their communities and the nation’s economy as a whole.

For those fortunate enough to still retain their jobs, the conditions have become exceedingly restrictive. Women who were once able to engage in professions in public now find themselves relegated to the confines of their homes. The Taliban’s misinterpretation and political misuse of Sharia law has led to a segregated workplace environment, where women are effectively isolated from the public sphere. This arrangement has forced them to work remotely, behind closed doors, away from their colleagues and clients, drastically limiting their ability to interact and contribute effectively in their respective fields.

Photo: Rahila Yousafi, By The Afghan Times Photographer

Rahila, a woman employed in a hotel, declared that: “Women should pursue employment outside the home. Staying indoors can be quite challenging. When a woman who has been actively engaged in society suddenly encounters restrictions, she often finds it difficult to adapt. I have always envisioned going out in the morning and working until evening. Similarly, other women should also explore opportunities to earn their income through work.”

Photo: Hamida, By The Afghan Times Photographer

One of the hotel employees, Hamida Tabasom, spoke about the days when the arrival of the Taliban instilled fear among their colleagues.

“When the Taliban came to power, fear spread everywhere. The female employees at our hotel stopped working due to fear. Our employees were afraid that if the Taliban arrived, they would face beatings.”

“Before the Taliban government, our business was thriving, and we had many customers,” Hamida Tabasom added.

Based on in-depth interviews with 70 women workers, we can categorize the challenges they face as follows:

Financial Struggles:

4 out of 5 respondents reported a significant drop in their household income since August 2021. They attributed this decline to economic challenges, job losses, and reduced business opportunities within their community.

Child Marriage as a Disturbing Outcome:

Among the 70 women interviewed, 10% revealed that severe food insecurity had forced them to arrange marriages for girls under 18 within their families. This highlights the dire consequences of this crisis on the lives of young girls.
Disturbingly, 50% of respondents identified child marriage as a critical safety concern for girls in their community, emphasizing the urgent need for interventions to protect vulnerable children.

Reduced Food Consumption and Hunger:

An alarming 85% of women admitted to missing meals in the past two weeks, expressing their anguish over not being able to provide adequate food for themselves and their families.
In 97% of households, women and other family members mentioned reducing their food intake, with some even skipping meals to stretch their limited resources.

Limited Support and Consultation:

Only a third of women claimed to have received any assistance in the last year, highlighting the gap in support for those grappling with financial hardships.
Less than 13% of those who received aid were consulted regarding their specific needs before assistance was provided, revealing a lack of personalized support for affected individuals.

Inadequate Humanitarian Assistance:

Just 20% of surveyed women felt that the humanitarian aid they received met their needs, underscoring the need for more targeted and responsive aid programs.
Furthermore, the women interviewed cited issues with delivery methods, such as aid being distributed in mosques (often inaccessible to women) and assistance being provided by male workers (which prevents access). This indicates the necessity for more inclusive and culturally sensitive aid distribution practices.

“We were in such dire need that we did not cook a hot meal at home for several months,” said Mimona. Photo by The Afghan Times Photographer

This report, titled “Voices of Afghan Women in the Food System: Struggles, Sacrifices, and Strength,” sheds light on the challenges Afghan women have faced since the Taliban’s takeover in August 2021.

Key points:

Exclusion from Public Life: Afghan women have faced increasing exclusion from public life and society, including the closure of girls’ secondary schools and universities, restrictions on female aid workers, and limitations on public spaces for women.
Food Insecurity: Since August 2022, 90% of Afghan families cannot afford enough food, with nearly 20 million Afghans uncertain about their next meal and six million teetering on the brink of famine. Moderate acute malnutrition has reached its highest recorded levels.
Impact on Women in the Food Sector: Many women who worked in the food sector have been unable to continue their employment due to Taliban restrictions, leading to a 25% drop in female employment in this sector.
Education Crisis: Afghan young women aged 12 and above have faced barriers to education, with 1.1 million denied access to formal education. The suspension of university education for women affected over 100,000 female students.
Interest in Agriculture: Afghan female students showed a keen interest in faculties related to agriculture and food. However, the Taliban’s restrictions disrupted their studies.
Workplace Challenges: The Taliban’s rule has drastically reduced opportunities for women in the workforce. Those who still have jobs often face restrictive conditions, working remotely and in isolation from colleagues and clients.
Impact on Livelihoods: The loss of employment has had profound consequences, affecting not only women individually but also their communities and the nation’s economy.

These key points provide an overview of the report’s findings regarding the struggles faced by Afghan women in the food system under Taliban rule.

The Afghan Times – The Afghan Times organization founded by Afghan women journalists in exile. At The Afghan Times, we believe in empowering the new generation of Afghan citizens by providing them with information and resources to make informed decisions. Our mission is to empower women journalists to tell these important stories through investigative reporting.

Fishworkers in the Philippines demand recognition of their constitutional right to organize, denounce fishing industry’s fraudulent voluntary code

by IUF Asia/Pacific | Sep 3, 2022 | Food Security, Human Rights, Land & Freedom, Secure Jobs, Social Justice

As a counter-summit to the official Tuna Congress in General Santos City in the Philippines, SENTRO held its 4th National Fishworkers Congress September 2-3, 2022. Hundreds of fisherfolks, commercial fishers and canning factory workers attending the Fishworkers Congress angrily denounced the new Voluntary Code of Good Practices signed by the SOCSKSARGEN Federation of Fishing and Allied Industries (SAFFAI) Tripartite Council during the official Tuna Festival.

“The so-called Voluntary Code, is nothing but a PR exercise that SAFFAI is using to whitewash its horrendous record in wantonly violating the rights and welfare of its workers”, said Herbert Demos, Regional Secretary of SENTRO SOCSARGEN.

“Its promises to uphold safely and health, provide education and skills upgrading, utilize alternative dispute mechanisms, respect labor standards and use retrenchments as a last resort will have no chance of being enforced so long as the industry continues to ignore workers’ right to freedom of association.”

The fraudulent Voluntary Code claims to be tripartite but has no legitimate labour representation. It is designed to avoid the legal obligations of DO-156

The Voluntary Code was signed without properly consulting the labor sector. The labor representatives who signed the document were members of the management and their allies.

SENTRO has long been criticizing SAFFAI for actively blocking the enforcement of Department Order No.156 Rules and Regulations governing the Working and Living Conditions of Fishers on board Fishing Vessels engaged in Commercial Fishing Operation which was issued in 2016.

“8 years after the issuance of DO-156, none of our commercial fishers have enjoyed its guarantee that they get at least the minimum wage on top of their rightful share of the catch and all the labor standards are respected.”

More importantly, workers in the canning factories and those onboard commercial fishing vessels have yet to access their full trade union rights. The extensive use of contractualization, the denial of employee-employer relations and the militant anti-union attitude of employers are the key factors preventing unionization.

“We call on all those government representatives who signed the Voluntary Code to withdraw their imprimatur unless SAFFAI agrees to subject the same to meaningful consultation and takes into consideration the respect for workers’ constitutional right to self-organize, collectively bargain and to strike.”

Social, health and environmental standards should not be privatized. Sustainable food systems need effective labour inspection systems.

by IUF Asia/Pacific | Aug 27, 2021 | Food Security, Land & Freedom

In recent years we have seen growing public awareness of the social and environmental impact of food supply chains. Of course much greater awareness and action is needed, especially in terms of the appalling working conditions in agriculture and irreparable damage to human health and the environment. But there is no doubt that concern about the source of products in global food supply chains – how they are grown, processed, produced, packaged and transported – is increasing. This is combined with an expectation that these supply chains are guaranteed to be socially and environmentally sustainable. Those consumers who can afford it are willing to pay more for products that they believe do not cause environmental or social harm. These are deemed more sustainable or more ethical products.

Most concerns regarding environmental sustainability focus on deforestation, habitat destruction, endangered animal species, over-exploitation of scarce natural resources, pesticides, industrial waste, plastic pollution, and climate change. These environmental concerns intersect with health concerns. For example, there is a greater awareness of the link between consumer health, food safety and pesticide use.

While climate change is the major concern, there is also a greater interest in biodiversity loss. The Dasgupta Review in the UK, for example, could eventually have a far-reaching impact on international economic policy (including trade, aid and investment decisions). In the COVID-19 era there will be greater focus on how industrialized agriculture and habitat destruction contributes to the emergence of zoonoses like the SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus.

The main concerns regarding social sustainability focus on child labour, forced labour and trafficking (modern slavery), poverty wages, and rural livelihoods. The Modern Slavery Act [2015] in the UK has already had a far-reaching impact on UK-based companies, especially retailers and supermarkets. The Modern Slavery Act [2018] in Australia has had a similar impact. Similar laws and regulations are being introduced in the EU.

In several countries shareholders and financial institutions also require reporting on the environmental impact of a company’s supply chains, especially in terms of climate change. To a lesser degree there is concern with compliance with new human rights instruments, particularly modern slavery and child labour. Of course much of this is driven by concerns with legal liability and business sustainability in terms of generating (or losing) future potential profits.

As more agri-food companies try to ensure compliance with new environmental and social standards in their supply chains and meet consumer expectations, they are turning to private sector auditing firms, accreditation bodies and international NGOs. Brands carrying certification or accreditation are seen as value-added and consumers are willing to pay a premium price.

However, the business of social and environmental auditing and accreditation by private firms and NGOs is costly. In many cases monitoring and verification by these organizations absorbs a significant part of the premium price – and this reduces the amount passed on to farmers in the form of fair prices or workers in terms of fair wages. This reduces the overall economic and social contribution to the country/province/region in general and the rural community in particular.

In several cases, third party monitoring by NGOs or auditing firms absorbs so much of the premium that small farmers lose any financial incentive to undertake socially and environmentally sustainable farming practices. On both farms and plantations safer, more sustainable work practices through reduced pesticide use may in fact increased costs. If this is not offset by premium prices, then it becomes economically unsustainable despite the potential benefits to health and the environment.

There is also a risk that NGOs and accreditation bodies develop a vested interest in these social and environmental problems continuing. They are paid or receive funding as long as they continue to expose problems, such as child labour. In this case, human rights or environmental issues may become leverage for more funding and to exert pressure on local governments. These organizations are then financed to devise and implement action plans externally, regardless of local government and trade union efforts in this regard.

Lacking any commitment to a particular country or region, these auditing firms and NGOs can easily shift their business to other countries, causing a shift in supply chains. Ultimately the business of auditing and certification leads to the privatization of labour and environmental standards. This changes the purpose of these standards and diminishes the role and responsibilities of governments. This is not only unsustainable, it could become detrimental to the future of local communities. A more effective and sustainable approach is to develop robust labour inspection systems under the appropriate local government authorities. Labour inspection in agriculture extends to both farms and plantations and covers a range of issues related to recruitment, employment and working conditions.

The scope of labour inspection in agriculture and its mechanics is defined in Labour Inspection (Agriculture) Convention, 1969 (No. 129) and Labour Inspection (Agriculture) Recommendation, 1969 (No. 133). The Safety and Health in Agriculture Convention, 2001 (No. 184) and Safety and Health in Agriculture Recommendation, 2001 (No. 192) are important standards that must be incorporated into these labour inspection systems.

While ratification of these conventions and recommendations by national governments is urgently needed, it is not a necessary precondition to the application of standards. These conventions and recommendations can be used as the recognized international standard applied when developing the new system labour inspection in agriculture. The practical implementation of these conventions and recommendations through an inspection mechanism at provincial/regional level will help to establish the integrity of the system. Education of farm and plantation workers about these standards is a vital part of this. This in turn ensures that compliance can actually be measured.

In this way, a resilient and proactive system of labour inspection in agriculture implemented at regional/provincial level would create the necessary infrastructure and mechanisms for compliance with global standards in supply chains. This will enhance the long-term economic viability of sourcing from this region/province. With a credible government labour inspection system in place, there is less need for private sector and third-party certification. As a result, more of the premium can be passed to small farmers and their communities and – through collective bargaining – achieve better wages (living wages) for agricultural and plantation workers.

An effective labour inspection system also means that an authority accountable to the public and not private companies can talk with workers about the reality of their working and living conditions. The credibility and integrity of independent private audits and certification is undermined by its very purpose: to prove there are no problems. Or if there are problems, then they can be resolved (managed) without affecting the economics of farms and plantations. Despite the role of piece-rate wages as a significant driver of child labour, for example, private auditing and certification bodies see it as untouchable because employers claim it will fundamentally affect productivity.

Public sector labour inspectors in an effective, well resourced system can restore the integrity of investigation and compliance as a responsibility of government to set and regulate standards and protect rights, health and the environment. Of course for workers to be able to speak to anyone about really happens on farms and plantations on a day to basis, they must have guaranteed access to the right to freedom of association under Right of Association (Agriculture) Convention, 1921 (No. 11).

It is no coincidence that the same plantations and farms that supply agri-food companies and readily participate in their privatized standard-setting and compliance mechanisms refuse access to labour inspectors. Not surprisingly the same employers absolutely refuse access to trade unions. If the supply chains are transparent and proven to be fair and sustainable, why is there so much legal action taken to prevent access by labour inspectors or unions?

Building an effective system labour inspection in agriculture requires capacity – institutional, budgetary and personnel. This means that the same agri-food companies that claim to commit to sustainability must pay corporate taxes and stop tax avoidance measures. The must also stop leveraging local governments for subsidies and tax holidays. Even if just some of the financial resources currently going into to the branding and promotion of food products as ethical through private sector certification is diverted to public resources, then there is a greater possibility to make these guarantees a reality.

GSEPL sugar mill in India is killing fish and creating food insecurity

by IUF Asia/Pacific | Aug 24, 2021 | Food Security, Land & Freedom, Social Justice

For more than a decade the private sugar mill operated by Gangakhed Sugar and Energy Private Limited (GSEPL) in Parbhani, Maharashtra, has regularly released untreated effluent into a nearby lake and irrigation canals. This has caused a such a significant loss of aquatic life in Mannath lake that the fisherfolk dependent on this lake have lost their livelihoods. The untreated effluent from the sugar mill also polluted irrigation canals with a detrimental impact on the crops and soil on nearby farms. For a decade fisherfolk and farmers have struggled to end this pollution. For a decade the food industry has been undermining food security.

Soon after GSEPL started its operations in 2010, the mill released untreated effluent into Mannath Lake and irrigation canals during the sugarcane crushing season. Fisherfolk filed a case with the National Green Tribunal (Western Zone) Bench, Pune, against the company for “polluting the water in Mazalgaon Right canal and Mannath lake, causing water pollution and thereby causing a threat to human health, fishery yield and ecology.” The case referred to pollution caused by “industrial waste molasses and chemical mixed water”.

Despite this, the mill again released untreated effluent into the lake in the 2013-2014 sugarcane crushing season.

When fisherfolk and farmers made complaints about this pollution, GSEPL management responded with violent attacks, threats and intimidation. The company also took legal action against fisherfolk and farmers, forcing many of them to abandon their livelihoods and migrate.

The extent of this brutality is reflected in the private prison operated by the mill to punish indebted farmers and critics. This was described in 2012 as follows:

On 30/04/2012 around 11 am, the goons of the mill management came into the UCO bank branch Gangakhed, kidnapped and took V. to the privately owned prison in the factory premises. Mill management was maintaining their own prison for assaulting farmers, workers and everyone who was raising the questions against mill management. According to V. that place was in dark, smoky and unhygienic. When he entered the custodial room there were around 34 detainees were already present. While held here he assaulted many times. All these detainees were kept their [sic] like slaves without any basic amenities and food. Mill management released him the next day around 5 pm.

A public demonstration against the GSEPL mill management on 18 October 2013 led to the demolition of the private prison. Yet the violent attacks on fisherfolk and farmer leaders continued.

While water pollution was damaging the ecology, destroying livelihoods and undermining food security (in the prevailing fear of private prisons and violence), the conglomerate Shree Renuka Sugar bought sugar from the GSEPL mill. One of the leading customers of Shree Renuka Sugar at that time was Hindustan Coca-Cola Beverages Private Limited (HCCBPL). Even after the case was filed in the Green Tribunal and the media reported on these violent attacks on the community, Shree Renuka Sugar made several more purchases from GSEPL. This environmental pollution, human rights abuse and food insecurity ran from Mannath lake through the supply chain of Coca-Cola in India.

While water pollution was damaging the ecology, destroying livelihoods and undermining food security, GSEPL successfully registered as an emission-reduction project under the Kyoto Protocol’s clean development mechanism. The UNFCCC’s Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) Executive Board assigned Project No.4816 to Gangakhed Sugar & Energy Private Ltd (GSEPL) 30 MW Bagasse Based Co-generation Power Project. Despite several reviews over 10 years, the CDM ignored the large-scale pollution of Mannath lake and surrounding farmlands. Even when the Green Tribunal ruled in July 2014 that GSEPL had extensively polluted Mannath lake and must pay to replace its water, the company continued to be a green project under the Kyoto Protocol.

After a decade the fisherfolk union, Godavari Magasvargiya Matsya Vyavsay Sahakari Sanstha (GMMVSS), continues to struggle for compensation for their lost livelihoods and to end the pollution that has destroyed the ecology of Mannath lake. They seek an end to an unsustainable food industry and to regain their right to food security.

VIDEOS: Voices of Women Food Systems Workers in Afghanistan